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reporting from rabid hatemongering and as a result has no place in mainstream journalism. He
has lost his credibility.
Mr. Safer, too, will be welcomed by the supermarket tabloids where he will find the heavy burden
of logic and consistency considerably lightened, and the constraints of having to make his words
correspond to the facts mercifully relaxed.
(12) 60 Minutes should do a story on Simon Wiesenthal and assign it to a reporter and to
researchers who have the courage to consider objectively such politically-incorrect but arguable
conclusions as that Mr. Wiesenthal's stories are self-contradictory and fantastic, that his
denunciations have sometimes proven to be irresponsible, and that he spent the war years as a
Gestapo agent.
CONTENTS:
Preface
The Galicia Division
Quality of Translation
Ukrainian Homogeneity
Were Ukrainians Nazis?
Simon Wiesenthal
What Happened in Lviv?
Nazi Propaganda Film
Collective Guilt
Paralysis of the Comparative
Function
60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
Jewish Ukrainophobia
Mailbag
A Sense of Responsibility
What 60 Minutes Should Do
PostScript
PostScript
A discussion relevant to the above critique concerns third-party attempts to incite
Ukrainian-Jewish animosity and can be found within the Ukrainian Archive at Ukrainian
Anti-Semitism: Genuine and Spontaneous or Only Apparent and Engineered? The relevance lies in
the fact that The Ugly Face of 60 Minutes which you have just read above has been the target of
a crude attempt at anti-Semitization, and at the discreditation of the author, myself, as is
documented particularly at Lubomyr Prytulak: Enemies of Ukraine anti-Semitize The Ugly Face of
60 Minutes.
HOME DISINFORMATION 60 MINUTES
HOME DISINFORMATION PETLIURA 1441 hits since 23Mar99
Symon Petliura An Introduction
Long after Symon Petlura had gone into exile and was living in Paris, armed
resistance broke out again and again in his name in Ukraine. Indeed, even today his
name is still regarded by the Ukrainian masses as the symbol of the fight for freedom.
Symon Petliura: An Introduction
Is Symon Petliura the man who "slaughtered 60,000 Jews"? Symon Petliura is
relevant to the Ukrainian Archive primarily because he led the fight for Ukrainian
independence at the beginning of the twentieth century, and secondarily because
Morley Safer in his infamous 60 Minutes broadcast of 23Oct94, The Ugly Face of
Freedom, summed him up this way:
Street names have been changed. There is now a Petliura Street.
To Ukrainians, Symon Petliura was a great General, but to Jews,
he's the man who slaughtered 60,000 Jews in 1919.
Or is Symon Petliura a fighter for Ukrainian independence? But as the documents
in this PETLIURA section will begin to suggest, Safer's contemptuous dismissal is not
quite accurate and does not quite tell the whole story. We can begin with a few
short excerpts to provide background on Petliura from his entry in the Encyclopedia
of Ukraine:
Petliura, Symon [...] b 10 May 1879 in Poltava, d 25 May 1926 in
Paris. Statesman and publicist; supreme commander of the UNR Army
and president of the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic.
(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,
1993, Volume III, p. 856)
After the signing of the UNR-Polish Treaty of Warsaw in April 1920,
the UNR Army under Petliura's command and its Polish military ally
mounted an offensive against the Bolshevik occupation in Ukraine.
The joint forces took Kiev on 7 May 1920 but were forced to retreat
in June. Thereafter Petliura continued the war against the
Bolsheviks without Polish involvement. Poland and Soviet Russia
concluded an armistice in October 1920, and in November the major UNR
Army formations were forced to retreat across the Zbruch into
Polish-held territory and to submit to internment.
(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,
1993, Volume III, p. 856)
In late 1923, faced with increased Soviet demands that Poland hand
him over, he was forced to leave for Budapest. From there he went to
Vienna and Geneva, and in late 1924 he settled in Paris. In Paris he
founded the weekly Tryzub, and from there he oversaw the activities
of the UNR government-in-exile until his assassination by a
Bessarabian Jew claiming vengeance for Petliura's purported
responsibility for the pogroms in Ukraine (see Schwartzbard Trial).
He was buried in Montparnasse Cemetery.
(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,
1993, Volume III, p. 856)
The above reference to Petliura's assassin being motivated by Jewish vengeance can be
taken in two ways: literally or as part of Kremlin-manufactured plot.
Assassinated by a Jew? In the first case, if the assassination was indeed the
work of a lone Jew longing for vengeance, then it might not be amiss to wonder
whether there has ever been any great Jewish leader who has been assassinated by a
Ukrainian for wrongs committed by Jews against Ukrainians, or for any other reason
for that matter. If not, and I think not, then one might wonder also what the
respective statistics might be for all cross-ethnic assassinations of leaders and
officials of not only the highest rank, but of any rank as well, and to wonder
finally whether any differences in such statistics might be attributable to a
differential incitement to vengeance within Jewish and Ukrainian cultures.
Or assassinated by the Kremlin? However, crediting Bessarabian watchmaker,
Yiddish poet, and assassin Shalom Schwartzbard's claim that he murdered Petliura to
satisfy a Jewish longing for vengeance is possibly to be taken in by Kremlin
disinformation, as the following passage explains (where the spelling becomes
"Schwarzbart"):
According to Bolshevist misinformation, the Jews are to blame for the
murder of Petlura. [...]
The choice of the person who was to commit the murder has always
served as the basis for the invention of lies and legends about the
actual murder itself. They have always chosen persons to whom - in
the event of their arrest - credible tales about motives other than
the orders of the Kremlin, motives of a personal or political
character, could be imputed, so as to conceal the fact from the court
that the order to murder was issued by Moscow.
In the case of Petlura, a Jew, Schwarzbart, was instructed by Moscow
to carry out the murder. He received orders to give himself up of
his own accord to the police as a Communist agent, in order to start
a political trial in this way. Thus there was a two-fold purpose
behind this murder: to murder Petlura who was a danger to the
Bolsheviks, and to direct the political trial of this murder in such
a way that the person of Petlura and the Ukrainian government which
he represented, as well as the national liberation movement, which
was a danger to Moscow, could be defamed from the political point of
view. It was Schwarzbart's task during this trial to conceal the
part played by the Russian GPU in this murder and to pose as a
national avenger of the Jewish people for the brutal pogroms
committed against them by various anarchist groups, who operated in
Ukraine during the years of the revolution, that is from 1919 to
1921, and in the interests of Russia also fought against the
Ukrainian state. The blame for the pogroms carried out by these
groups was to be imputed to Petlura. By planning the trial in this
way the Russians managed to gain a two-fold success. In the first
place, they succeeded in winning over most of the Jews in the world
for the defence of the Communist agent Schwarzbart and in arousing
anti-Ukrainian feelings, which, incidentally, persisted a long time,
amongst the Jews, and, secondly, as a result of the unjust verdict of
the Paris court, the Russians and other enemies of an independent
Ukraine were able to obtain "the objective judgement of an impartial
court in an unprejudiced state," which could then be used in
anti-Ukrainian propaganda. For years the Russians made use of this
judgement in order to defame Petlura in the eyes of the world and to
misrepresent the Ukrainian state government which he represented and
the Ukrainian liberation movement as an anti-Semitic, destructive and
not a constructive state movement, which would be capable of ensuring
human democratic freedoms to the national minorities in Ukraine. The
jury of the Paris court, who consisted for the most part of
supporters of the popular front at that time and of socialist
liberals, refused to believe the testimony of the numerous witnesses
of various nationalities, which clearly proved that Petlura had
neither had any share in the pogroms against the Jews, nor could be
held in any way responsible for them. They ignored the actual facts
of the murder, and by their acquittal of the murderer rendered
Bolshevist Moscow an even greater service than it had expected. Thus
Moscow scored two successes. But it did not score a third, for the
Paris trial did not help Moscow to change the anti-Russian attitude
of the Ukrainians into an anti-Semitic one or to conceal its
responsibility for the murder of Petlura from the Ukrainians.
(Anonymous, Murdered by Moscow: Petlura - Konovalets - Bandera,
Ukrainian Publishers Limited, London, 1962, pp. 8-9)
Three reflections arise from the Schwartzbard assassination:
(1) Juror historians. One wonders whether the jurors in a criminal case are
competent to arrive at a fair determination of historical truth, or whether they are
more likely to bring with them personal convictions of historical truth which are
likely to be unshaken by the evidence.
(2) French justice. The acquittal of a self-confessed assassin might be an outcome
peculiar to French justice. Other Western states might more typically require the
conviction of a self-confessed assassin, and consult his motives only to assist in
determining the severity of sentence. A comment which in part reflects on the French
acquittal:
It is a strange paradox that the once so sacred right of asylum, even
for the spokesmen of hostile ideologies and political trends,
nowadays does not even include the protection of the fundamental
rights of life of the natural allies of the West in the fight against
the common Russian Bolshevist world danger.
(The Central Committee of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN),
Munich, December 1961, in Anonymous, Murdered by Moscow: Petlura
Konovalets - Bandera, Ukrainian Publishers Limited, London, 1962, p.
65)
(3) True-believer assassins. If an assassin is sent by the Kremlin, then is it
necessary for the Kremlin to find one who is personally committed to the
assassination? The answer is yes. This is because a Soviet assassin sent to Paris
has some opportunity to defect and to seek political asylum. He might choose to do
so to escape totalitarianism, to raise his standard of living, to avoid going through
with the assassination, and in the Petliura case to avoid the punishment that was
being anticipated from the French courts. On top of that, he must realize that once
he has carried out the assassination, he becomes a potential witness against the
Kremlin, and so might find the Kremlin rewarding him with a bullet to the back of his
head for the success of his mission.
Thus, it is essential for the Kremlin to ensure that the assassin be energized with a
zealous committment to his mission. One way to achieve such committment is to hold
his family hostage. Another way is to incite in him a thirst for revenge based on
wrongs done to his people. Thus, even if the Kremlin did order the assassination of
Petliura, and even if the Kremlin's selection of a Jew to perform the assassination
was for the political reasons outlined in the quotation above, it may nevertheless be
true that a Jewish thirst for revenge played a useful role, and that all the Kremlin
had to do to inspire the requisite motivation was to propose the disinformation that
Petliura was the appropriate target of that revenge.
Pogromist or fighter for independence? The Encyclopedia of Ukraine entry ends
with:
[S]ince the mid-1920s he has personified, perhaps more than any other
person, the struggle for Ukrainian independence. The personification
seemingly also extends to the issue of the pogroms that took place in
Ukraine during the revolutionary period of 1918-1920, and Petliura
has frequently been invested with the responsibility for those acts.
Petliura's own personal convictions render such responsibility highly
unlikely, and all the documentary evidence indicates that he
consistently made efforts to stem pogrom activity by UNR troops. The
Russian and Soviet authorities also made Petliura a symbol of
Ukrainian efforts at independence, although in their rendition he was
a traitor to the Ukrainian people, and his followers (Petliurites)
were unprincipled opportunists.
(T. Hunczak in Danylo Husar Struk (ed.), Encyclopedia of Ukraine,
1993, Volume III, p. 857)
A continuing threat to the Kremlin. Petliura's leadership of the fight for
Ukrainian independence did not end with his withdrawal from the field of battle:
Long after Symon Petlura had gone into exile and was living in Paris,
armed resistance broke out again and again in his name in Ukraine.
Indeed, even today his name is still regarded by the Ukrainian masses
as the symbol of the fight for freedom [...].
(Dr. Mykola Kovalevstky, in Anonymous, Murdered by Moscow: Petlura
Konovalets - Bandera, Ukrainian Publishers Limited, London, 1962, p.
28)
However real the continuing resistance that was carried on in Petliura's name, the
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