reincarnations. Among the Hindus the existence of such castes as
the kshatriya, dedicated to the military life and to ruling by
coercion, prevented the spread of pacifism as a political
movement. Early Buddhist monarchs such as Asoka in India and the
kings of Ceylon sought to rule more peacefully, but no Buddhist
realm in history has forsworn violence altogether.
Pacifist elements can be found in the nonactionist doctrines of
Greek Stoicism in the Western world. A shadowy anticipation of
modern pacifism appears in the quasimillennial doctrine of a
future golden age of universal peace that emerged with the MYSTERY
CULTS of Hellenistic and Roman times. The concept was encouraged
by the dreams of a universal kingdom or empire that arose among
the Achaemenid rulers of Persia in the 6th century BC; these
dreams were inherited by Alexander the Great and his Hellenistic
successors and by the creators of the concept of the Pax Romana,
or peace of Rome. This latter idea of an imperial peace, which
reemerged in medieval times after the creation of the Holy Roman
Empire, is a peace imposed from above through benign coercion and
is therefore far from pacifistic.
A truer pacifism was to be found among the early Christians, who
were inspired by such Gospel exhortations as "Love thine enemies"
and "Blessed are the peacemakers; for they shall be called the
children of God," and perhaps also by certain pagan teachings of
the time and by the doctrines of the Jewish ESSENES, who preached
withdrawal from the realm of war and politics. Even in the first
centuries, however, Christians were divided in their attitudes
toward war and violence; the question whether a Christian could
remain a soldier was long debated. Some Fathers of the Church,
such as TERTULLIAN, took an essentially pacifist stand, and many
Christians deserted the imperial army or suffered martyrdom for
their refusal to take part in military action. For the church as a
whole to be pacifist became politically impossible after the
Emperor Constantine's conversion in the early 4th century and the
adoption of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman
Empire. In the 5th century, when Catholicism in North Africa was
threatened by the invading Vandals, who supported the rival sect
of Arian Christians, Saint AUGUSTINE devised the doctrine of the
Just War, a doctrine that has been sustained by institutional
Christianity ever since.
The pacifist strain did not entirely vanish from the Christian
tradition in the Middle Ages. It emerged in such medieval sects as
the ALBIGENSES and the BOGOMILS, some of whom renounced the use of
violence. After the Reformation, pacifism was adopted by a number
of western European sects, including the MENNONITES, the Quakers
or Society of FRIENDS, and some of the ANABAPTISTS. In
17th-century Russia the Great Schism in the Orthodox church
encouraged the emergence of radical sects such as the DOUKHOBORS
and the Molokans, who opposed participation in war and employed
passive resistance against the authorities seeking to coerce them.
Among Christian pacifists, a distinction must be made between
those who resist participation in war merely to save their
consciences, as is the case with sects that preach withdrawal from
the world in anticipation of the Second Coming of Christ, and
those who see their pacifism as part of an attempt to transform
the world here and now, as do the Quakers. In the late 17th
century the Quakers fought a painful campaign against the English
law forbidding dissenters to meet publicly; nearly 400 Quakers
died in the pestilential prisons of the time. The Quakers provide
one of the early examples of a successful nonviolent movement.
NONVIOLENT POLITICAL MOVEMENTS
Pacifism emerged from its religious context and became a political
philosophy during the 19th century. One wing of American
abolitionists, led by William Lloyd GARRISON, preached the use of
nonviolent methods in the fight against slavery. Many of the
suffragettes who struggled for women's rights in Britain and North
America adopted nonviolent resistance. Count Leo TOLSTOI, after
his conversion to a radical kind of Christianity, advocated a
pacifist rejection of war and advocated methods of CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE as an alternative to violent revolution in books such
as The Kingdom of God Is Within You. A Tolstoian movement
developed in tsarist Russia, surviving for some time after the
Revolution of 1917.
Nineteenth-century socialists were often antimilitarist in the
sense that they opposed capitalist or imperialist wars. They took
part in the various peace organizations that held international
congresses during the century. Many socialists advocated an
international general strike should a war break out, but when
World War I began in 1914 the only resistance came from dedicated
pacifists and a few revolutionary socialists. The labor movements
on both sides abandoned their internationalism and supported their
own governments.
The horrors of World War I led to a great upsurge of pacifist
sentiment in the West. International pacifist organizations such
as the Fellowship of Reconciliation flourished. In Britain the
students at Oxford University passed a resolution pledging not to
fight "for king and country," and the Peace Pledge Union founded
in 1935 had gained a membership of 133,000 by 1937, including such
distinguished names as Aldous HUXLEY, Benjamin BRITTEN, and
Siegfried SASSOON. Most of this resistance melted when war
actually came in 1939. Pacifism swelled again in the 1960s: in
Britain mass demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience were
organized by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, and in the
United States the Vietnam War brought widespread resistance. The
pacifism of the 1960s attracted many nonpacifists who turned to
nonviolent forms of action because they were expedient.
Absolute pacifists have always been a small minority; perhaps few
people are capable of the austere control of passions that,
according to Gandhi, is necessary for the true pacifist. Although
pacifist resistance has yet to succeed in stopping a war,
movements using nonviolent methods in peacetime have been able to
gain political and social ends where other movements have failed.
With the exception of the one in Romania, the popular campaigns
that succeeded in overturning the Communist regimes of Eastern
Europe in 1989 were for the most part remarkably nonviolent.
George Woodcock
Цитата через чур длинная, но я дал е° полное изложение, чтобы съэкономить себе работу. Цель этого раздела показать, что вс° разнообразие борцов за ?мир?, ?права?, ?равенство?, ?против? и тому подобное можно свести к одному стереотипу, вс° к тому же ?интернационалисту?. Данный раздел следовало бы пустить сразу за описанием ?интернационалиста?, поскольку нет никакой разницы между ?интернационалистом? и ?пацифистом?. Борьба ?интернационалистов? вроде Льва Троцкого против ?империалистических? войн свидетельствует об этом. Широкую поддержку получали ?пацифисты? от советской власти , которая использовала их в качестве подрывного элемента в странах Запада. ?Пацифисты?, как и ?интернационалисты? борются против своей страны и против своего нарда. Особенность ?пацифистов? только в лозунгах. Я указывал, что шантаж это уже террор. Разного рода демонстрации даже без мордобития организованные ?пацифистами? или иного рода борцами являются разновидностью шантажа. Напомню, что ?большевики? не покушались на жизнь царя и его министров, но от этого они не стали ничуть не лучше своих конкурентов террористов эсеров.
Глава 6 ЭКОЛОГИЯ ТЕРРОРА
Содержание главы:
СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА В.О.КЛЮЧЕВСКОГО ЛЕВ ГУМИЛЕВ И ЕГО СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА. РЕЛИГИЯ И ГОЛЕМ СЛУШАЙ ИЗРАИЛЬ РАСОВАЯ СЕГРЕГАЦИЯ НАЦИОНАЛЬНАЯ СЕГРЕГАЦИЯ АНТИСЕМИТИЗМ
АМПЛИТУДНЫЕ И ФАЗОВЫЕ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКИ ОБЩЕСТВА СТАБИЛЬНОСТЬ ОБЩЕСТВА ФАЗОВЫЙ СДВИГ
Я уже отмечал роль Питирима Сорокина в создании систематики социологии и социальной динамики. Здесь считаю своим долгом отметить роль других русских ученых, историков Василия Осиповича Ключевского и Льва Николаевича Гумилева.
СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА В.О.КЛЮЧЕВСКОГО
Прежде чем писать о замечательном вкладе русского историка Василия Осиповича Ключевского в развитие социальной динамики я хочу привести его краткую биографию заимствованную мной из Энциклопедии Британника.
Klyuchevsky, Vasily Osipovich,
Klyuchevsky also spelled KLIUCHEVSKY (b. Jan. 16 [Jan. 28, New
Style], 1841, Voznesenskoye, Penza province, Russia d. May 12 [May
25], 1911, Moscow), Russian historian whose sociological approach
to the study of Russia's past and lively writing and lecturing
style made him one of the foremost scholars of his time.
The son of a poor village priest, Klyuchevsky attended a seminary
school before transferring to the University of Moscow (1861). He
wrote a series of theses, including his doctoral dissertation on
the boyar duma (council of the upper nobility) of Muscovite
Russia, that won him immediate professional recognition. He
received appointments at the Alexandrian Military School, the
University for Women at Moscow, and the Moscow Theological
Academy, and in 1879 he became professor of history at the
University of Moscow, where he taught until 1910.
It was the publication of his lectures in Kurs russkoy istorii
("Course in Russian History"; Eng. trans. A History of Russia)
that brought Klyuchevsky worldwide renown. Originally published in
four volumes (1904-10), with a fifth volume appearing posthumously
in 1921, this magnum opus traced Russian history in a logical,
systematic, and highly readable form. Klyuchevsky wrote from a
19th-century liberal perspective and gave a broad but vivid
socioeconomic analysis of the processes of Russian history. Though
he emphasized such impersonal forces as the succession of social
classes and the spread of colonization, he also painted some of
the most memorable images of leading figures (such as Peter the
Great) in all of Russian historiography.
Уже в определении В.О.Ключевского истории как науки заложена динамика. Он утверждал, что история - это "движение во времени" и "познание прцесса". Другая особенность В.О.Ключевского в том, что он соединял историю с социологией. Вот его утверждение, которое он проводил в жизнь:
"Целый ряд соображений побуждает историка при изучении местной
истории быть по преимуществу социологом".
Вот его другое утверждение, которое многие социологи могут взять эпиграфом к своей работе:
Из науки о том, как строилось человеческое общежитие, может со
временем - и это будет торжеством исторической науки
выработаться и общая социологическая часть ее - наука об общих
законах строения человеческих обществ. (Выделено В.О.Ключевским.
Р.Р.)
Прошлый век в отличие от нынешнего был характерен поиском законов социологии. Даже Карл Маркс искал. В.О.Ключевский не искал эти законы, но его социологический подход в исследованиях может служить образцом как для историков, так и для социологов. Возьмем для примера его трактовку подоплеки восстаний в XVI веке украинских казаков против Речи Посполитой (Польши). Первоначально это был заурядный грабеж. Однако обстоятельства (Брестская уния 1556 года) навязали "этой продажной сабле баз Бога и отечества" "религиозно-национальное знамя, судили высокую роль стать оплотом западно-русского православия".
"И казаку и холопу легко было растолковать, что церковная уния это
есть союз ляшского короля, пана, ксендза и их общего агента жида
против русского Бога, которого обязан защищать каждый русский.
